The
True Story of "The Silent Scream."
How
Killing Was Sold In America With Deliberate Lies
In one of the most successful marketing
campaigns in modern political history, the "abortion rights movement"
– with all of its emotionally compelling catch-phrases and powerful political
slogans – has succeeded in turning what once was the heinous crime of murder
into a fiercely defended constitutional right, which does not exist in the
Constitution.
During
the tumultuous 1960s, after centuries of legal prohibition and moral
condemnation of abortion, a handful of dedicated activists launched an
unprecedented marketing campaign. Their aim was twofold: first, to capture
the news media and thus public opinion, and then, to change the nation's
abortion laws.
Their
success was rapid and total – resulting in abortion being legalized in all 50
states, for virtually any reason, and throughout all nine months of pregnancy.
Since the Supreme Court's controversial Roe v. Wade decision in 1973,
American doctors have performed well over 40 million abortions.
Although
polls consistently show a clear majority of Americans disapprove of
unfettered abortion-on-demand, the movement's well-crafted, almost magical
slogans – appealing to Americans' deeply rooted inclination toward tolerance,
privacy and individual rights – have provided the abortion camp a powerful
rhetorical arsenal with which to fight off efforts to reverse Roe, which struck
down all state laws outlawing abortion.
In
marketing wars, the party that frames the terms of the debate almost always
wins. And the early abortion marketers brilliantly succeeded in doing exactly
that – diverting attention away from the core issues of exactly what abortion
does to both the unborn child and the mother, and focusing the debate instead
on a newly created issue: "choice." No longer was the morality of
killing the unborn at issue, but rather, "who decides."
The
original abortion-rights slogans from the early '70s – they remain virtual
articles of faith and rallying cries of the "pro-choice" movement to
this day – were "Freedom of choice" and "Women must have control
over their own bodies."
Bernard
Nathanson, M.D., co-founder of pro-abortion NARAL
"I
remember laughing when we made those slogans up", reminiscing
about the early days of the abortion-rights movement in the late '60s and early
'70s. "We were looking for some sexy, catchy slogans to capture public
opinion. They were very cynical slogans then, just as all of these slogans
today are very, very cynical."
Besides
having served as chairman of the executive committee of NARAL – originally, the
National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws, and later renamed the
National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League – as well as its
medical committee, Nathanson was one of the principal architects and
strategists of the abortion movement in the United States. He tells an
astonishing story.
Changing
the law on abortion
"In
1968 I met Lawrence Lader," says Nathanson.
"Lader had just finished a book called 'Abortion,' and in it had made the
audacious demand that abortion should be legalized throughout the country. I
had just finished a residency in obstetrics and gynecology and was impressed
with the number of women who were coming into our clinics, wards and hospitals
suffering from illegal, infected, botched abortions.
"Lader
and I were perfect for each other. We sat down and plotted out the
organization now known as NARAL. With Betty Friedan, we set up this organization
and began working on the strategy."
"We
persuaded the media that the cause of permissive abortion was a liberal,
enlightened, sophisticated one," recalls the movement's
co-founder. "Knowing that if a true poll were taken, we would be
soundly defeated, we simply fabricated the results of fictional polls. We
announced to the media that we had taken polls and that 60 percent of Americans
were in favor of permissive abortion. This is the tactic of the self-fulfilling
lie. Few people care to be in the minority. We aroused enough sympathy to sell
our program of permissive abortion by fabricating the number of illegal
abortions done annually in the U.S. The actual figure was approaching 100,000,
but the figure we gave to the media repeatedly was 1 million.
"Repeating
the big lie often enough convinces the public. The number of women dying
from illegal abortions was around 200-250 annually. The figure we constantly
fed to the media was 10,000. These false figures took root in the consciousness
of Americans, convincing many that we needed to crack the abortion law.
"Another
myth we fed to the public through the media was that legalizing abortion would
only mean that the abortions taking place illegally would then be done legally.
In fact, of course, abortion is now being used as a primary method of birth
control in the U.S. and the annual number of abortions has increased by 1,500%
since legalization."
NARAL's
brilliantly deceitful marketing campaign, bolstered by fraudulent
"research," was uncannily successful. In New York, the law outlawing
abortion had been on the books for 140 years.
"In two years of work, we at NARAL
struck that law down," says Nathanson.
"We lobbied the legislature, we captured the media, we spent money on
public relations ... Our first year's budget was $7,500. Of that, $5,000 was
allotted to a public relations firm to persuade the media of the correctness of
our position. That was in 1969."
New
York immediately became the abortion capital for the eastern half of the United
States.
"We
were inundated with applicants for abortion," says
Nathanson. "To that end, I set up a clinic, the Center for Reproductive
And Sexual Health (C.R.A.S.H.), which operated in the east side of Manhattan.
It had 10 operating rooms, 35 doctors, 85 nurses. It operated seven days a
week, from 8 a.m. to midnight. We did 120 abortions every day in that clinic.
At the end of the two years that I was the director, we had done 60,000
abortions. I myself, with my own hands, have done 5,000 abortions. I have
supervised another 10,000 that residents have done under my direction. So I
have 75,000 abortions in my life. Those are pretty good credentials to speak on
the subject of abortion."
'A
window into the womb'
After
two years, Nathanson resigned from C.R.A.S.H. and became chief of the
obstetrical service at St. Luke's Hospital in New York City, a major teaching
center for Columbia University Medical School. At that time, in 1973, a raft of
new technologies and apparatuses had just become available, all designed to afford
physicians a "window into the womb."
Nathanson
recalls the dazzling array of cutting-edge technologies back then:
Real-time
ultrasound: an instrument which beams high frequency sound into the mother's
abdomen. The echoes that come back are collected by a computer and assembled
into a moving picture;
Electronic fetal
heart monitoring: We clamp an apparatus on the mother's abdomen, and then
continuously record the fetal heart rate, instant by instant;
Fetoscopy: an optical
instrument put directly into the womb. We could watch that baby, actually
eyeball it.
Cordocentesis:
taking a needle, sticking it into the pregnant mother's uterus and, under
ultrasound, locating the umbilical arteries and actually putting a needle into
the cord, taking the baby's blood, diagnosing its illnesses, and treating it by
giving it medicine. Today, surgery is actually performed on the unborn!
"Anyway,"
says Nathanson, "as a result of all of this technology
– looking at this baby, examining it, investigating it, watching its metabolic
functions, watching it urinate, swallow, move and sleep, watching it dream,
which you could see by its rapid eye movements via ultrasound, treating it,
operating on it – I finally came to the conviction that this was my patient.
This was a person! I was a physician, pledged to save my patients' lives, not
to destroy them. So I changed my mind on the subject of abortion."
"There
was nothing religious about it," he hastens to add.
"This was purely a change of mind as a result of this fantastic
technology, and the new insights and perceptions I had into the nature of the
unborn child."
Nathanson
expressed some doubts about abortion then, in an editorial in the New England
Journal of Medicine. "I was immediately summoned to a kangaroo court
and was discharged from the pro-abortion movement, something I do not lose
sleep over."
In
1985, intrigued by the question of what really happens during an abortion in
the first three months of a pregnancy, Nathanson decided to put an ultrasound
machine on the abdomen of a woman undergoing an abortion and to videotape what
happens.
"We
got a film that was astonishing, shocking, frightening," he
says.
It was made into a
film called "The Silent Scream." It was
shattering, and the pro-abortion people panicked. Because at this point, we had
moved the abortion debate away from moralizing, sermonizing, sloganeering and
pamphleteering into a high-tech argument. For the first time, the pro-life
movement now had all of the technology and all of the smarts, and the
pro-abortion people were on the defensive.
Nathanson's
film provoked a massive campaign of defamation on the part of the pro-abortion
movement, including charges that he had doctored the film. He hadn't.
"I was accused of everything from pederasty to nepotism. But the American
public saw the film."
In
1987, Nathanson released another, even stronger film called "Eclipse of
Reason," introduced by Charlton Heston.
"'The
Silent Scream' dealt with a child who was aborted at 12 weeks," said
Nathanson. "But there are 400 abortions every day in this country that
are done after the third month of pregnancy. Contrary to popular misconception,
Roe v. Wade makes abortion permissible up to and including the ninth month of
pregnancy. I wanted to dramatize what happens in one of these late abortions,
after the third month.
They took a
fetuscope, which is a long optical instrument with a lens at one end and a
strong light at the other. They inserted the fetuscope into the womb of a woman
at 19-1/2 weeks, and a camera was clamped on the eyepiece and then the
abortionist went to work.
This procedure was
known as a D&E (dilation and evacuation). It involves dilating the cervix,
rupturing the bag of waters, taking a large crushing instrument and introducing
it way high up into the uterus, grabbing a piece of the baby, pulling it off
the baby, and just repeating this procedure until the baby has been pulled
apart piece by piece.
Then the pieces
are assembled on a table, put together like a jigsaw puzzle, so the abortionist
can be sure that the entire baby has been removed. We photographed all this
through the fetuscope. This is a shattering film.
Thus
did Bernard Nathanson, once a founder and top strategist of the pro-abortion
movement, come to be staunchly committed to the cause of ending legalized
abortion in America.
Nathanson
is by no means the only abortionist to switch sides in the abortion war.
Indeed, in recent years hundreds of abortion providers have left their
profession. On its website, NARAL bemoans "the dwindling number of doctors
willing or trained to perform abortions."
If
we really want to understand how abortion has been so successfully marketed,
there's no better source than those who have worked in the abortion industry.
They, like no one else, really know first-hand what it's like to sell and
perform abortions for a living.
David Kupelian
is vice president and managing editor of WorldNetDaily.com and Whistleblower
magazine, and author of the forthcoming book, "The Marketing of
Evil: How Radicals, Elitists, and Pseudo-Experts Sell Us Corruption Disguised
as Freedom.